Television Producer’s and the industrialisation of production »
the communication (French)
EHESS, Paris, France
As an individual, as the “manager of a program” or,
beginning the mid-sixties, as a corporate entity, partnering with
the broadcasters, siding with their economic logic, the producer
presents himself as a solution against the costs disease applying
a new manufacturing model for programs paired with a new esthetic.
Simultaneously, the collective mobilization of the producers was
met by the continuous support of the state whose regulatory intervention
allowed the assertion and relative autonomy of a new occupational
The analysis of the dynamic of the field, that is to say the evolution
of the relative positions of the agents and of what is at stake in
the field, has shown since then, that in order to survive professionally
the producer has to take charge not only of the rationalization or
normalization of the production process but also, at the same time,
of the permanent search for novations or differentiations. This destructive
creative logic is under the constraint of the value hazard which
tends to reinforce the importance of face to face relationships,
specifically with the television channel’s staff. The strategic
failure to build large production companies and the relatively weak
concentration of the sector are in part the result of the effects
of this dynamic. Forty years after its birth in France, the profession
of television producers remains one of dispersed entrepreneurs.
«The French radio broadcasting
between Permanency and Transformation, diversity and concentration
Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux 3, France
Once more, at the beginning of the XXI-th century the French radio
system appears on a bend of its existence between permanency and
transformation, variety and concentration.
The current situation maintains strong elements of durability. So
the French radio has still a large public sector, heir of a historic
period when this one had a monopoly. Questioned variously, it remains
a pole of reference. The commercial radio sector, numerous and powerful,
get organized in industrial groups, for part, stemming from former
stations, known under the name of “peripheral radios”,
RTL and Europe 1. Finally, the free radios, been born in the tempestuous
70s and often announced died, persist and establish a 3-rd sector,
no commercial and consequent, under the name of associative radios.
According particular statutes, economies and different logics of
functioning, these three sectors contribute together to the construction
of a diversified and complementary radio landscape. Actually, radios
maintain an important daily audience in spite of a sharp increase
in the global media world competition (television and Internet).
But the French radios are also subjected to alterations. The regulation
of the sector solidly and durably based, applied by the CSA, could
be the object of new organization. The passage of non-specialized radio
on specialized radio continues. Programs evolve and adapt themselves
to the new manners and to the new auditors practices, as well as to
a more and more competitive situations. Following the example of what
takes place in other European countries; the technological transfers
around the digital convergence are outlined also as essential aspects
of these alterations, even if their effects do not seem yet determining.
In all levels, the economy of the radio plays an essential role. The
concentration of the structures and radio formats was widely engaged
in the commercial sector around three groups, and in particular around
NRJ, a quiet new appearing group. This could concern, also, public
and associative sectors. Then, a risk of a reduction of the French
radio pluralism could exist
« Film or Digital ? Changes
in cinematography »
Université Paris 13, CEPN - CNRS, France
Le cinéma numérique fait-il partie de ces technologies
tant attendues mais qui n’arrivent jamais ? Début 2006,
on compte encore sur les doigts d’une main le nombre de cinémas
équipés pour la projection numérique en France.
Cinq ans ont passé depuis les premières déclarations
de Georges Lucas selon lesquelles la distribution numérique
des films en salles s’imposerait rapidement et signerait en
retour l’arrêt de mort de la pellicule argentique.
Paradoxalement, les technologies du numérique sont disponibles
tout au long de la filière traditionnelle du cinéma.
Si les caméras numériques sont de plus en plus utilsées
pour les tournages, la distribution numérique reste marginale,
le déploiement stagne et l’opposition des exploitants
de salles reste vive. Face aux bénéfices annoncés,
cette situation surprend.
Force est de constater qu’une partie de l’industrie
du cinéma résiste au numérique... La projection
numérique oppose d’un côté les distributeurs
qui sont les gestionnaires mondiaux des droits de l’actif versionnable
(le film) et de l’autre les exploitants qui sont les responsables
de l’infrastructure locale (salles de cinéma) dédiée
à la version de qualité cinéma (pellicule argentique).
L’objet de cette contribution est d’expliquer les raisons
de cette résistance et de révéler les enjeux
qu’elles cristallisent. Pour ce faire, nous appliquerons les
travaux de M. Porter (2004, pp. 29-46) et de la nouvelle économie
de l’information et des réseaux (Varian et Shapiro).
«The concentration of Cultural
and Media Industries (CMI) in the digital age. The case of the
Heritiana Ranaivoson >>> Download
the communication (French)
CES-Matisse, Université Paris 1-Panthéon-Sorbonne,
Last summer’s merger between Sony Music and Bmg (subsidiaries
of respectively Sony and Bertelsmann may at first sight be considered
as just another step in the concentration process. This process has
led to the current situation where 4 recording companies, the majors,
have a market share of 75% of global distribution of records. Moreover,
3 of them belong to some of the most important communication companies.
However, the new technologies may further complicate things. On
the one hand, they theoretically foster entrance and development
of small independent producers and distributors since they favour
the reducing of production and distribution costs and enable the
access to a potentially global market. On the other hand, among the
new entrants, one finds powerful companies issued from software and
hardware industries, such as Apple and Microsoft.
This paper focuses on concentration in the cultural industries,
mainly in the music industry. What are the causes of this concentration?
What does it look like? What are its consequences, notably in terms
of competition and diversity?
We will first investigate which are the reasons for concentration.
From the firms’ point of view the existence of economies of
scale, transaction costs or synergies are to be taken into account.
Nevertheless global strategies are influenced by characteristics
of national markets, such as the nature of retail, and by new practices
on the Internet, such as the development of peer-to-peer. We will
also remind how new technologies have until now influenced the music
industry (Alexander, 1994).
We will then take a look at the nature, the level and the extent
of concentration. To do so, we will mainly use data furnished by
national branches of the International Federation of the Phonographic
Industry (Ifpi). We will especially consider concentration of production,
distribution and retail, notably since the advent of the cd.
Finally, we will consider the consequences of concentration. First,
we will study the economic and sociological literature on the impact
of concentration on the level of prices, innovation and diversity
of production (Berger and Peterson, 1975; Dixit and Stiglitz, 1977).
Then we will investigate these consequences from the point of view
of competition policy, notably in the case of antitrust cases and
Digital Rights Management systems (DRMs).
« The outsourcing
of creative activities in the Cultural and Media Industries (CMI)
: about some trends observed in the press sector »
Franck Rebillard >>> Download the communication (French)
Université Lyon 2, France
In the press industry, creative activities (journalistic work) still
frequently take place within firms which simultaneously operate in
manufacturing (publishing, printing) or even marketing (sales and
ads). In comparison with other CMI fields in which the design
level is far more separated from production and distribution ones,
the vertical integration of newspaper companies can be seen as a
kind of exception that however seems to progressively diminish.
A trend towards the outsourcing of creative industries can be observed
in the three main directions the press industry recently took in
France. Special-interest magazines predominantly rely on freelance
journalists for their editorial content ; Online newspapers
offer fewer original informations (because of too reduced editorial
teams) than multi-channels contents ; Free dailies strongly
integrate agency copies and press releases in their pages.
These tendencies can be first analysed as a progressive alignment
of the press industry with the most generic structuring of the CMI.
They also can be linked to large-scale evolutions of the industrial
process, giving priority to flexibility and productivity. This logic
of costs reduction (including the outsourcing of creative activities)
might appear, considering the long time of social changes, to be
hardly reconcilable with the logics of cultural renewal in the CMI,
and especially news pluralism in the press.